Rangzen Charter
The Case for Tibetan Independence

Jamyang Norbu

C O N T E N T S   ( P A R T   3   O F   4)

International Dimension of Rangzen
What Must Be Done
The First Step

Notes

I N T E R N A T I O N A L   D I M E N S I O N   O F   R A N G Z E N

When we fight for Tibetan freedom we are, in a real sense, fighting for the freedom of oppressed people and nations all over the world. But with the "New Ageing" of Tibetan culture and the somewhat contrived blending of "global concerns" like the environment, world peace and spirituality with the Tibetan issue, a condescending notion has developed that struggling merely for Tibetan freedom is restrictive and even somewhat unsophisticated. Of course, such a viewpoint is not only mistaken but demonstrates how people tend to mix up their need for a cause of some kind with their other needs for social acceptance, for being in fashion and sometimes even for material gain.

The real battles for freedom are fought in local and mostly desperate struggles, by people prepared to give up not just respectability and careers, but even their lives. Freedom Struggles are by their very nature disruptive. There is an unsettling quality to even the mildest of them that finds echo in this old legal exhortation: "Fiat iusticia, et pereat mundis, Let justice be done though the world perish." Yet however disruptive, however much a source of economic loss and human suffering, the indomitable struggles of Aung San Suu Kyi and Nelson Mandela inspire freedom-loving people all over the world; far more than, let us say, the well intentioned efforts of diplomats, career activists or even the Secretary General of the UN to ensure what can essentially be described as the preservation of the status quo.

Each victory of freedom over tyranny is a tremendous boost to other causes. I am sure Tibetans remember how genuinely thrilled we were when Bangladesh became independent; and even more encouraged and proud when we learned that Tibetan paratroopers had made an important contribution to the victory. Similarly, the success of the Tibetan Freedom Struggle would represent a victory for the democratic forces in Burma, for independent Taiwan, for the freedom of the Uigurs of East Turkestan and the people of Southern Mongolia.

After India gained her independence, a whole succession of African and Asian nations also became free from their European colonial masters. In the nineties, with the fall of the Berlin wall, another series of countries gained their freedom, this time from the Soviet yoke. Tibetan independence could well precipitate, or at least herald, a new era of freedom not only for neighbouring countries such as Burma, East Turkestan, and Southern Mongolia but even for the people of China itself.14

W H A T   M U S T   B E   D O N E

It is vital that we do not give up the struggle for Rangzen. We must instead completely rethink and revitalise the struggle. In fact, it must be transformed into a major revolutionary movement in the world. In order for this to happen certain fundamental changes need to take place not only in the structure of the Freedom movement and Tibetan society but in the thinking and attitudes of individual Tibetans. There is nothing original in the eight points listed below. They have been put forward and discussed by concerned and intelligent Tibetans time and again. What must be realised is that unless we can bring about these changes, or at least begin a process of reform, Rangzen may not be attainable. Even if by a tremendous accident of history we got our country back tomorrow, we might lose it again the day after, if we carried on in the same way we are doing now. What is required is not just political reform, but the bringing about of a major transformation of the defeatist mindset that is dominating our people today.

1. Active Confrontation of Chinese Tyranny

The Tibetan Freedom Struggle must constantly seek effective ways to challenge Chinese tyranny both inside Tibet itself and all over the world, even if that entails facing Chinese reprisals or retaliations. The cause must not become a bureaucracy where routine displacement activities provide participants with an illusion of doing something, or where "experts" seek ever more ingenious ways to represent abject surrender to China as a diplomatic coup. The struggle for Rangzen is a revolutionary cause. It must be a cause for those with courage, dedication, and a willingness to make sacrifices. It should not be an election gimmick for Tibetan politicians, or an opportunity-mill for those seeking scholarships or sinecures, building careers or businesses, immigrating to the United States, or desiring to hobnob with show biz celebrities, or the rich and famous.

So far the struggle that has taken place inside Tibet has had little, except moral, support from the outside. Even on that level our contribution has definitely been mixed. For instance, the present decline of activism inside Tibet, though largely the consequence of a massive Chinese crackdown, has resulted partly from our ill-founded announcements of imminent dialogue with China, and by the exile leadership’s appeal for cessation of activities harmful to the Chinese economy and its call for "constructive engagement" with China.

We must refocus the goal of Rangzen through a publicity campaign inside Tibet. We must ensure sufficient funds, equipment, and training of groups and individuals inside Tibet and also ensure that the dependants of those engaged in such actions, or those who have lost their lives or been imprisoned through such actions, will be properly taken care of. The struggle within Tibet could be greatly revitalised if we on the outside provided more than just sympathy, and instead joined hands with those inside with funds, ideas, trained personnel and new technology. Of course this is going to be difficult, painful and dangerous. But these are fundamental conditions for a genuine Freedom Struggle. Anything involving birth and creation is of necessity accompanied by trauma and danger. A woman undergoes as much to give birth to a child. We must be prepared to endure even more to bring forth a new era of freedom and happiness for our ancient nation.

Internationally we must conduct an unrelenting economic campaign against China. To those who protest that we will never achieve the kind of total international economic sanctions against China as the ones imposed on South Africa, it should be pointed out — without conceding in the least to such pessimism — that with China’s economic growth slowing down every year it is probably not even necessary to go that far. Maybe a 5%, even a 3% dent in China’s trade figures could tilt the balance. And surely with all our support groups, Dharma centres, celebrity supporters and friends throughout the world we could manage at least that. The climate for such a campaign is dramatically improving with increasing international disillusionment with doing business in China. In the USA, revelations of extensive Chinese spying in industry and defence, and a massive and growing trade deficit with China has created a new and positive environment for such activism.

2. The Deeds and Sacrifices of Patriots Must Be Adequately Acknowledged

The saga of the Tibetan people’s struggle against Chinese tyranny is not lacking in the contribution of heroic men and women who have put the needs of their country and people above that of their own lives. Yet society has so far shamefully failed to repay or even acknowledge their sacrifices and deeds. Our government has honoured Tibetans who have fought and died in other people’s wars. But no medals have been awarded to the thousands of soldiers, partisans, activists and secret agents who, in one way or another, gave up comfort, family, security and even their lives for Tibetan independence — and little acknowledgement has been made of their deeds. In fact, surviving veterans of the Mustang guerrilla force now live in distressing conditions in a couple of camps in Nepal that are probably the poorest among all Tibetan settlements in exile.

Though our school textbooks are full of the lives of saints and lamas, no mention is made of our heroes and patriots. This virtual censorship of our recent history has created the impression in our society that the common Tibetan lacks patriotism, while of course the reverse is true. It is important that we create not just a system but a moral climate where courage, sincerity and love of country are recognised and rewarded, and where hypocrisy, sycophancy and self-aggrandisement are rejected.

3. Democracy Must Be Fundamental to the Freedom Struggle

Only in a truly democratic Tibetan society will creativity, fresh thinking, and new leadership — desperately needed in the Freedom Struggle — not only emerge but also be valued and effective. Furthermore, only democracy can provide for adequate transparency in the functioning of the government and for genuine accountability on the part of our leadership; and is therefore probably the only way in which the true feelings of the Tibetan people for Rangzen can be fully represented.

To the oppressed people of Tibet, democracy represents not only a goal of eventual freedom from Chinese tyranny but also the best hope for a truly just and equitable government of their own choice. As such, the promise of a genuine democratic Tibet will be an effective repudiation of Chinese propaganda claims that independence would mean a reversion to theocratic feudalism. Hence democracy becomes a potent weapon for the cause and its genuine and effective implementation in our exile-society an absolute necessity for the credibility of the Freedom Struggle. Though a small beginning has been made to implement democracy in exile, much much more needs to be done.

4. The Patron-Seeking Mentality Must Be Eliminated

Though we certainly need help and support from different nations and people, we must not rely entirely on any one or the other to become our patrons. It is not a question of not taking help but of differentiating between necessary aid and pathetic dependence. Furthermore, every nation has its own agenda, which could be in contradiction or simply not in accord with ours. It could also well be hostile.

Our own establishment’s recent capitulation to Taiwanese financial patronage is a good case in point. From around 1959 onwards the Tibetan government had rightly condemned any Tibetan taking money from Taiwan — since Taiwan was hostile to our cause and claimed Tibet to be part of China. For years this issue was the cause of the most intense, even violent and lethal conflicts within refugee society. Although Taiwan has not altered its stand on Tibetan sovereignty and has in fact greatly harmed the independence struggle through financial subversion of individual Tibetan officials and high lamas, the Tibetan government has now become an enthusiastic recipient of donations from Taiwan. All those loyal (mostly poor) Tibetan refugees who steadfastly held out against the blandishments of Taiwan agents now find themselves being jeered at as fools by their less scrupulous countrymen who have not only become rich but happily vindicated as well.

Many in exile Tibetan society, especially in the clergy, have made it a way of life to depend on outside sponsors even if, at times, these sponsors do not have our best interests at heart. One is not just talking of Taiwan here, but even certain individuals and organisations in the West, who in spite of their professed admiration for the Dalai Lama and concern for Tibet, are clearly working to promote Chinese interests. Our degrading and ruinous national habit of seeking patrons and patronage has its roots in the practice of successive Tibetan rulers of soliciting and depending on the support of Mongol and later Manchu rulers of China in what we conveniently call the choyön or patron-priest relationship. This has, without doubt, been a major cause of Tibet’s downfall.

5. Tibetan Society Must Become Dynamic and Progressive

It must be admitted that even at present ours is essentially a medieval society. Little has changed inside or outside Tibet in the sense of our thinking and beliefs. This is certainly not to controvert Buddhism, which encompasses the most profound philosophical and scientific thought with the humblest of folk beliefs, but to emphasise how Tibetans have clung to superstitions and traditions which are not only backward and harmful but against the teachings of the Buddha himself. In making this plea for progress I am not ignoring the evils of present-day "developed" societies or providing unqualified endorsement of market capitalism or untrammelled technology, but attempting to bring about the realisation that not only for the Freedom Struggle but even for the survival of individual Tibetans, we must open our minds to the world and change our perceptions of nature, history and society towards that of humanity at large. All the tools we require to fight for freedom and also to survive as a people are denied to us when we live in the past. We must consciously attempt a modernisation of our society in the style of the Meiji Restoration in Japan, or the Bengal Renaissance.

It is not as if we completely lacked resources. There are accomplished Tibetan scholars, historians, thinkers, writers, doctors and even a scientist or two to begin a process of guiding our people forward into a dynamic and liberal future. But at the moment few, if any, such intellectuals are able to play a meaningful role in our exile society, which at the moment seems determined on moving ever more backwards into religious fundamentalism and the narrowest of regional politics.

6. Tibetan Politics Must Be Secularised

Though Tibet must and always will remain a Buddhist nation with the Dalai Lama as our head of state, our politics must become secular. The inability of Tibet in the past to change or defend itself was primarily a result of the power of the church in politics, which consistently attempted to prevent the creation of an effective Tibetan army, and opposed every effort at modernising our society. Buddhism will, of course, always be our national religion, and its institutions must be supported and protected by the state. But the state must see to it that these institutions perform their essential spiritual functions and do not become politicised or commercialised. The state must also see to it that these institutions do not exceed a reasonable size. The number of monks and nuns in exile society is alarmingly large, certainly greater, percentage-wise, than we had in old Tibet. The numbers are growing, not because Tibetans have become any more spiritual but because the whole business has become hugely profitable, not only for gaining Western sponsors but even getting a visa for the United States.

The function of the government must in effect be secular, and limit itself to the realm of politics with the defence of the nation’s sovereignty, and the security and the welfare of the people as its first priority. Furthermore, consultation of oracles and divination in the formulation of government policy must completely cease. This is not to condemn such traditions, but to relegate them to their proper place in individual beliefs and spiritual practices — which must be protected by law. In fact secularising our politics will ensure that a future Tibet will be a genuine Buddhist nation, where the religious classes and their institutions will conduct themselves as the Buddha directed, and not as business concerns or fundamentalist political parties.

At the moment there is a disconcerting contradiction in the position of our exile government. On the one hand it advocates secularisation, while at the same time it politicises religion by making it a basis for elections. In fact, at this year’s General Body Meeting of the Tibetan government, a large number of participants vigorously condemned the system of allowing monks and nuns to have two votes – one on regional and the other on sectarian grounds — while everyone else had only a single vote each.

7. National Policy Must Be Formulated Realistically

It goes without saying that in the pursuit of its national interests a state employs a variety of means such as diplomacy, trade, cultural relations, foreign aid and war. Even if certain methods are, at the moment, denied to us, it would be a grievous mistake to write them off entirely, especially the use of violence.

As Buddhists we Tibetans must certainly renounce violence except as an instrument of national defence or a means to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people. Buddhism does not rule out the use of violence in the defence of one’s country as this story illustrates:

Once a general went to the Buddha and asked him: "As a soldier it is my duty to see that the laws made by my king are obeyed and also to start wars on the orders of the king. Will the Tathagath not permit me to punish those who are guilty of violating the laws? Will he not allow one to fight to protect the honour and life of one’s dear and near ones? Does the Tathagath think that even a war for righteous causes is to be condemned?"

The Buddha replied: "Yes, the Tathagath is of the strict view that a war in which brother kills his brother human being is deplorable. But the Tathagath fully supports a war for a righteous cause as a last resort."

Even in the Charter of the United Nations a country has the sovereign right to wage war in its defence. The Great 13th Dalai Lama, in the conclusion of his Political Testament, gave this advice on defending Tibetan sovereignty against Chinese aggression:

"... we should make every effort to safeguard ourselves against this impending disaster. Use peaceful means where they are appropriate; but where they are not appropriate do not hesitate to resort to more forceful means."

Even Mahatma Gandhi made himself very clear on this issue when Pakistani raiders invaded Kashmir in 1947: "Any injustice on our land, any encroachment on our land should be defended by violence, if not by non-violence".

8.Tibetan Sovereignty is Sacred, Irrevocable and Paramount

Tibetan Freedom is not a bargaining chip, an expedient or a strategy. It is our sacred goal. Too often in our history we have given up our long-term, even fundamental, interests for temporary expediency. For instance, when the Tibetan government despatched a Goodwill Mission to Nanjing in 1946, Britain was informed that it was merely to congratulate China and the Allies on their victory over Japan. But what the Tibetans had not told the British was that it was also to attend the proposed Guomindang National Assembly in Nanjing. This action, though clearly damaging to Tibetan independence, was probably undertaken for a resolution of the frontier issue, or even, I have read somewhere, in order to put forward Tibet’s case! The British, of course, saw through our childish subterfuge and were predictably annoyed. It probably further eroded whatever little conviction they might have had about Tibet’s ability to retain its independence.

We have also in the past effectively undermined our own position by our inability to be firm during difficult situations. The 17 Point Agreement is a good case in point. Official history claims we had no choice but to go along with this Chinese imposed agreement. But that is not exactly true. The Americans telegraphed the Dalai Lama in Dromo in May 1951 and offered not just to seek asylum for Him but to recognise Tibetan independence if the Dalai Lama were to renounce the 17 Point Agreement. We must remember that the Korean War had started in June the previous year and around the time when this offer was made the Chinese had pushed back the American 8th Army in Korea, and had started the second phase of their spring offensive. It is hard to imagine a better moment for us to have secured effective American help against the Chinese.

There are other instances in our history when we had the opportunities to further the Freedom Struggle but where we instead chose the immediately easier but ultimately fatal option of going along with the Chinese. In fact, such an approach has become institutionalised in the Tibetan establishment in exile and there is a pathetically naïve tendency to regard such self-defeating behaviour as devilishly clever and realistic. A good example is the current course of action being advocated by officialdom: that we negotiate with the Chinese for autonomy; and if we succeed and get to return to Tibet, then to start manoeuvring for independence. However much we may dislike the Chinese it is dangerous and foolish to think they could be taken in by such a childish trick.

T H E   F I R S T   S T E P

The paramount need of the moment is for the Tibetan people not to compromise their principles on the issue of independence, even in the face of every obstacle and persecution. Before any effective discussion on strategy or organisation for the Freedom Struggle can take place it is absolutely necessary that those individuals and organisations that cherish liberty and Rangzen openly and unequivocally declare their dedication to freedom and Tibetan independence. It is not enough just to say that you believe in Rangzen in your heart, if you do not have the courage and conviction to declare it openly; the exception being, of course, those Tibetans living in the shadow of informers and the gonganju. But even there many have courageously spoken out for Rangzen, and paid the hard price. What is it that prevents those of us living in freedom from declaring our belief in and commitment to independence?

However seemingly inconsequential, this simple first step is an absolute necessity for the removal of distrust and confusion and the creation of a positive and dynamic environment for the next phase of the struggle.

Let us enter the next millennium cleansed of our cynicism, doubts and fears, and begin a new and heroic age in our history; each of us imbued with the renewed commitment to the unquestionably just struggle for Tibetan independence and the freedom of oppressed people everywhere.

N O T E S

14. Some Chinese students in the West have stated that the defiant images of the 1987 Lhasa demonstrations on Chinese national television made them aware that it was possible to defy the Communist authorities. A letter from a Chinese student in the Tibetan Review, August 1989, stated: "Tibetan demonstrations certainly encouraged, inspired and influence the Chinese students (at Tiananmen square)".